Tuesday, 13 January 2015

Biography of Heinrich Schliemann

Johann Ludwig Heinrich Julius Schliemann, a name most often reduced to just Heinrich Schliemann, is not a well known name, and is often just a vague memory to most people. Most people know though of his greatest claim to fame, the discovery of the site of ancient Troy. In any description of the life of Schliemann it would be impossible to go ignore Troy, but a description of the discovery of Troy could and has filled any number of books, as such this biography does not dwell on those events.

The only issue I have in providing a biography about Schliemann that fact has become obscured by stories, stories that Schliemann often told about himself that cannot be verified. Some facts are known and can be verified, and Schliemann was born on the 6th January 1822, in the small village of Neu-Buckow, in the German county of Mecklenburg-Schwerin. Schliemann’s father, Ernst, was a poor Protestant Minister, and by all accounts his early life was a hard one, a life that only got harder when his mother, Luise Therese Sophie Schliemann, died when he was only 9 years of age.

Heinrich Schliemann - Unknown - PD-life-70
Following the death of his mother, Schliemann was sent to live with his uncle, Frederich.
Schliemann claimed to have had no childhood education, but he was enrolled at the Neustrelitz Carolinum Gymnasium, a German grammar school, at the age of 11, and studied there for at least a year. Whilst of a scholarly nature, with particular strengths in the classics, Schliemann’s time at the grammar school was curtailed, as his father could no longer afford to pay the school fees.

Schliemann’s father was in fact accused of embezzling church funds to pay for his son’s education. Schliemann’s next period of education took place at a Realschule, a vocational school, where his scholarly studies took second place to work related studies. By 1836, at the age of 14, Schliemann again was forced to leave his place of education, when Schliemann’s father could not even afford the more modest fees of the Realschule. Whether his schooling introduced him to the ancient world or increased knowledge gained from his father is a matter of debate. Schliemann himself stated that he had received a copy of Ludwig Jerrer’s An Illustrated History of the World’ as a Christmas present in 1829, and as a result by the age of 8 knew that he would excavate Troy. Schliemann would also tell a story about his first love from this period of his life, a young girl from his village, Minna Meincke, who would help with his excavations in the local castle and churchyard.

Upon his forced departure from the Realschule, Schliemann found himself in need of money, so at the age of 14 he found employment as an apprentice to a grocer in Furstenberg. At an early age Schliemann developed a desire for wealth, although he soon realised that he would not achieve this as a grocer. He saw though employment as a means to an end, and every spare penny he earned he spent on his own education, he taught himself Dutch, English, French, Italian, Portuguese and Spanish.

Even in work he still found a connection to the ancient world, as a local miller called Hermann Niederhoffer, would recite large extracts of Homer’s work in Greek. In order to understand the meaning of the oration, Schliemann taught himself ancient and modern Greek. After five years of work at the grocer’s, Schliemann departed, and at 19 years of age became a cabin boy on a ship bound for Venezuela from Hamburg. A shipwreck meant that his voyage was cut short but he quickly found further employment as a clerk in a Dutch merchant trading office. By 1844 Schliemann found himself employed by a large import and export business, and they soon found uses for his linguistic skills, ultimately sending him to St Petersburg in 1846, to act as an indigo trader. He proved to be a very successful trader, and he began to trade in a number of goods, including sugar, tea and coffee. As well as his own employers, Schliemann also worked for several other companies, and soon became moderately wealthy.

Following in the footsteps of one of his brothers, Schliemann decided to try and make his fortune in amongst the Californian Gold Rush. Thus in 1851 Schliemann arrived in Sacramento, and using his finances set up a banking house, to buy and resell gold that had been mined, Schliemann quickly made a small fortune. His time in California though was short lived, as he came under suspicion of using underhand business practices, and by August 1852 he was once again back in St Petersburg. Schliemann though did claim that during his brief spell in America he had acquired United States citizenship. With his fortune made Schliemann settled down to the life of a gentleman.

Sophia Schliemann - Unknown - PD-life-70
His lifestyle though soon brought him in contact by a number of eligible women, and he was quickly ensnared by Ekaterina Petrovna Lyshina, the niece of one of his friends. Married on 12th October 1852, Ekaterina Schliemann was the epitome of the pushy wife, and cajoled Schliemann to increase his fortune. The marriage though seemed to be without love, although Ekaterina did show some affection as Schliemann’s fortune increased in size. Using his knowledge of trading, Schliemann managed to corner the indigo market, turning a huge profit, before cornering the markets of saltpetre, brimstone and lead, material required by the Russian government for the Crimean War. Schliemann’s huge wealth briefly one over his wife and in 1855, they had their first child, Sergey, followed by two girls Natalia, in 1858, and Nadezhda in 1861. The level of wealth that Schliemann had amassed ensured that by the 1860′s Schliemann effectively retired from the business world and instead Schliemann would use his spare time to travel the world. Ekaterina, though failed to travel with him, and when he finally settled in Paris, Ekaterina could not be persuaded to bring herself and the children to France. 1868 saw Schliemann file for divorce and the end of his first marriage.

With money behind him Schliemann found himself in a position to actively pursue his interests in ancient Greece and Troy. In the same year as his divorce, Schliemann travelled to Greece in an attempt to find the Palace of Odysseus; this was a gamble as at this time the reality of the Trojan War was still a debated point. Schliemann quickly moved from Greece to Turkey, and took up the cause of Frank Calvert, a British archaeologist, who was championing the site at Hissarlik as the site of the ancient city of Troy. Schliemann took over Calvert’s excavations on the eastern side of the Hissarlik site, and started to liaise with the Turkish government about working the western half which they owned.

Schliemann, either through loneliness, or a need for companion to share his adventures, sought out a second wife. Writing to a friend of his, he stated his desire to find a beautiful, dark-haired, well-educated Greek woman with an interest in the work of Homer. Schliemann’s friend, the Archbishop of Athens, put forward Sophia Engastromenos, a distant relative of his for this role. In September 1869 Schliemann, then 47, married the 17 year old. Unlike his first marriage, this second one seemed a much happier union, Sophia helped extensively Schliemann’s digs, and bore two sons, Andromache (born 1871) and Agamemnon (born 1878).

Schliemann brought a great deal of enthusiasm with him, alongside his considerable fortune. As importantly though was a conviction in his work, but he also brought confusion, his story telling and possible salting of finds means that there is uncertainty as to what finds were real, or even when or where they were found. Schliemann and Calvert had a brief falling out about Schliemann’s archaeological methods, as Schliemann, in order to speed up excavation dug straight through newer archaeology to get to his target of the Trojan War period. His efforts appeared justified though when a discovery was made in 1873 of Priam’s Treasure’. Schliemann related a tale of how he and his wife personally excavated the find, and sought maximum publicity by having Sophia wear one of the finds in public. In doing so he antagonised the Turkish government, they were not happy with the way Schliemann was publicising his activities, but perhaps they more upset that they were not getting their half share of the discoveries. Calvert and Schliemann had long been undertaking a process of smuggling finds out of Turkey to be distributed around Greece, and as such Schliemann found his permission to dig revoked.

As persona non grata in Turkey, Schliemann moved his excavations to the island of Crete, and in 1876 made his second great discovery, unearthing the Mask of Agamemnon’. This followed discoveries in the previous year with the Treasury of Minyas at Orchomenos. Both discoveries aroused huge amounts of public interest, although subsequent studies have cast doubt on their authenticity.

With the massive public interest generated by Schliemann, the Turkish government again gave permission to excavate at Hissarlik. Schliemann returned in 1878-1879, followed by further excavations in 1882-1883 and a fourth and final dig 1888-1890. Ironically it was in this last dig that Schliemann finally learnt about startigraphisation, by which time all evidence had been erased. Schliemann made a number of small finds, although nothing to match Priam’s Treasure’, and the Turkish government was now paying much more attention, taking two-thirds of all finds for display at the Museum of Constantinople.

Heinrich Schliemann's Grave - Portum - CC-BY-SA-3.0
Twenty years of archaeological work ended with his death on the 26th December 1890. Following a successful operation in Halle on his infected ears, doctors ordered Schliemann to rest and remain in the hospital. Schliemann though ignored this advice and subsequently travelled to Leipzig, Berlin and Paris. On his planned return to Athens for Christmas, complications as a result of the operation set in. Schliemann found himself too sick to make the last boat ride from Naples over to Greece, although he did manage to visit the ruins of Pompeii. On Christmas day he collapsed in the Piazza della Santa Carita and shortly afterwards died in his hotel room. Friends ensured that he was returned to Athens for burial, and after his funeral he was interred in his own mausoleum in a cemetery on an Athenian hill. The mausoleum was built Schliemann himself, and the frieze on the outside of the structure shows Schliemann undertaking his many excavations, with an inscription of “For the Hero, Schliemann” above the entrance.

Accusations have dented Schliemann’s reputation. Priam’s Treasure was allegedly found in archaeological levels predating Priam and back into the Early Bronze Age. The artefacts found are also unique and cannot be compared with any finds of an equivalent age. The same can be said of the Mask of Agamemnon, and there are further accusations that he employed a goldsmith to manufacture finds.

Schliemann is now often criticised for the way his excavations were undertaken, and dismissed as a treasure hunter by many archaeologists. He lied or misled throughout his life, in his business, personal and archaeological undertakings, manipulating details of his life and his achievements, Schliemann knew how to get the greatest publicity for his activities, extravagant reports ensured a take up by the popular press, and through his knowledge of language ensured global coverage. If you ignore his archaeological undertakings, which is difficult to do, then Schliemann should still be remembered as an impressive businessman, amassing a large fortune as he did, and also as a linguist.

By the end of his life, through a process of using the language of whichever country he was in, Schliemann was able to communicate in thirteen languages, his native German, Arabic, Dutch, English, French, Greek, Italian, Latin, Portuguese, Russian, Spanish, Swedish and Turkish. With his archaeological finds, be they real or fabricated, Schliemann’s name now has a place in history.

Copyright - First Published 17th February 2008

Thursday, 8 January 2015

The Cinque Ports

The “Cinque Ports” of southeast England may well be an ancient grouping of ports, dating back a thousand or more years, yet the term is still used today.

The meaning, and relative importance, of the phrase may well have changed, from representing a high political position to tourist attraction, and yet the ports and towns involved, still take pride in the name.

The original inception of the term “Cinque Ports” came from a grouping of five ports, thus providing the name “Cinque”, on the Kent and Sussex coast. These five ports comprised the Kentish towns of New Romney, Hythe, Sandwich and Dover, and the Sussex town of Hastings.
There is a question about when the use of the term first occurred, with dates put forward differing by up to 100 years.

Map of the Cinque Ports - Clem Rutter, Rochester, Kent.- CC-BY-SA-3.0

The earliest date quoted, is for a date in the reign of Edward the Confessor, some time between 1003 and 1066, but there is no physical evidence, in the form of a Royal Charter, to support such dates.
As to why the grouping occurred is again a matter for conjecture. The more enticing reasoning suggests it was a defensive move, brought about by Edward the Confessor, to guard the southern coast from a Danish invasion.

An assumption is made that “ship service” was in place prior to 1066, meaning that each port was required to supply fifty-seven ships, each with a crew of twenty-one men and a boy, for fifteen days every year. These ships would be the unofficial navy of the nation, ready to do battle, and to transport troops as required.

A less romantic explanation for the creation of the group is on an economic level, as the ports regulated the annual herring-fair at Yarmouth, supplying the bailiffs to maintain law and order.
The name itself is suggestive of a time after the Norman invasion of 1066, as the French language took over in usage within the English legal system.

“The Doomsday Book” records the obligation of the five ports to supply ships as required by the King.

For undertaking the “ship service” the King granted a number of concessions and rights; each port was given exemption from external courts, giving them rights to run their own courts and therefore take the fines directly.

Additionally, the ports and inhabitants were given freedom from most taxes, as well as the right to recover goods from the sea. These rights were recorded as Royal Charters, the earliest in existence being from 1260, and the last was granted by Charles II in 1668.

The privileges granted in the Charters brought considerable wealth to the ports involved, and they become far more prosperous through the taxation levied locally. In later years, each port also gained the right to send two members to parliament.

Emblem of Hastings - James "Jpanzerj" Pope - Released into PD
The ports though did not find it easy to fulfil their duties, and so began looking to neighbouring towns and villages to help provide additional resources. The towns of Rye and Winchelsea were the first to assist and were given the title of Ancient Towns in recognition of their service.

A confederation began to be formed, as further towns and villages, also known as limbs, helped provide then men required of the Charters. Each limb would be associated with one of the original Cinque Ports or Ancient Towns. The size and importance of the limbs would result in the level of privileges that they received. The most important limbs, corporate members, were granted their own individual Charters, whilst smaller limbs, non-corporate members, took a share of their “Head Ports” privileges.

At its peak, there were 42 towns making up the confederation in the medieval period.

The importance of the Cinque Ports though could not last, the legal rights previously gained had been absorbed into the general administration of the Crown.

The creation of a permanent Royal Navy (1496) meant that there was no reliance on the Cinque Ports, and the last time ships from the ports went into any form of action was against the Spanish Armada in 1588.

Changes in the formation of the coastline also meant a decrease in the importance of most of the ports.

The Great Storm of 1287 was the start of the end for many of the ports; Sandwich found itself silted up, as did Hastings. In addition, New Romney and Rye, as ports, ceased to be of any importance as the River Rother changed course.

It is though important to remember that Dover, one of the original Cinque Ports, prospered and even 900 years later is the major port of South East England. In general, the prosperous towns and villages lost their relative importance and became no more important than their neighbours.

The last vestiges of importance disappeared in the 19th and 20th centuries, as local government reforms, and further acts of Parliament, removed the legal and administrative powers that the previous Charters had bestowed.

The term Cinque Ports is still in use, but all legal rights have now gone; what remains is a ceremonial position and a tourist draw.

In theory, the Cinque Ports Court of Admiralty still has authority over parts of the English Channel and North Sea, but the court has not been convened in a number of years.

Barons of the Cinque Ports also have the right to carry a canopy at the Royal coronation, and though one has not been carried since 1821, the Barons still have a place of prominence at the ceremony.

The position of “Lord Warden and Admiral of the Cinque Ports” is still in existence, though the role, which was one of the most powerful figures in England, is now purely ceremonial but still very prestigious, with past wardens including Winston Churchill, the Duke of Wellington and the Queen Mother

Despite the decline in importance, many towns in Kent and Sussex still pride themselves as being part of the confederation of the Cinque Ports. There are currently fourteen towns that group themselves in the confederation; the original five Cinque Ports and two Ancient Towns, classing themselves at Head Ports; with a further seven limbs; Deal, Ramsgate, Faversham, Folkestone, Margate, Lydd and Tenterden. It is interesting to note that with the change of the coastline that Sandwich is now situated 2 miles from the sea, and yet retains the title of Head Port.

The name Cinque Ports has passed from the medieval period through to the modern day. The true meaning has changed beyond all recognition, from a vital role in the defence of the country, to a role which is purely ceremonial. The ceremonies though do help to ensure that the past is not forgotten.

Copyright - First Published 14th February 2008

Saturday, 3 January 2015

Battle of Teutoburg Forest

There are battles that are a turning point in a nation or people’s history; the Battle of Hastings turned England from Saxon to Norman, Gettysburg turned the American Civil War the way of the Union army, and Waterloo did much to shape modern Europe. The Battle of Teutoburg Forest is the Germanic version, though outside of Germany or the books of historians it is pretty much unknown.

Two thousand years ago the Roman Empire was in control of most of Western Europe. Gaul was subdued and the attention of the Emperor Augustus shifted to Germania. At the time, circa 16BC, the River Rhine was the dividing line between the Teutonic barbarians and the Roman territories.Just as with Gaul the area was controlled by local tribes, which in addition to fighting amongst themselves were not averse to crossing the Rhine to raid Roman possessions.

Part of the Teutoburg Forest - Are Kolberg - CC-BY-SA-3.0
Augustus sought to strengthen the border and to control the troublesome tribes, as such he sent Drusus, his adopted son, to take charge. In charge of five Roman Legions; Legions XVII, XVIII, XIX, V Alaudae and I Germania, Drusus spent 7 years successfully fighting his way towards the Elbe. Tribe after tribe came under Roman control; Usipetes, Tencteri; Chatti; Marcomanni; Sugambri; Cherusci and Suebi were all suppressed. By 6AD Tiberius, Drusus’ brother, had ensured that the majority of Germania was under control and paying allegiance to Rome.

In 7AD the Roman Governor Publius Quinctilius Varus was appointed as administrator for Germania. Varus was a favoured distant relative by marriage of the Emperor Augustus, and had undertaken similar roles in Syria and Gaul. Both previous appointments had made Varus a wealthy man through the oppression and exploitation of the territories, something he was not going to stop just because he was in a new region of the Empire.

One of Varus’ most trusted advisors was Arminius from the Cherusci tribe. Arminius had been taken to Rome at the age of 19, and lived there from 1AD to 6AD, where he had retrieved an education in Roman warfare, and achieving Citizenship with the rank of Equestrian. On arrival Arminius saw the oppression of the Germanic tribes and secretly sought to bring together an alliance of the Cherusci, Marsi, Chatti and Bructeri people. Traditional enemies were united in outrage at the financial burdens put upon them by the Empire.

Much of what we know about the battle comes from the work of the Roman historian Dio Cassius. In 9AD reports fabricated by Arminius arrived with Varus telling of rebellion beyond the Rhine. Varus marched with three Legions (Legio XVII, XVIII & XIX), six cohorts of non-Roman auxiliary troops and three squadrons of cavalry, these latter forces lacked battlefield experience.

Troop Movements in Teutoburg Forest - Cristiano64 - CC-BY-SA-3.0
As the march continued into Cherusci territory, Arminius requested Varus send troops to protect the Cherusci villages from attack from the rebels, a request that was granted by Varus. This displays the false sense of security that Varus was under; in addition Varus did not follow normal military protocol as he marched his forces through unfamiliar territory. The Roman troops did not march in combat formation but were strung out in a long line integrated amongst the wagons and camp followers, including the women and children. Nor were advance reconnaissance parties sent out to look for danger. It was at this point that Arminius and his father Segemerus left the march on the pretext of raising a Germanic force to assist.

It was also at this point the Varus could have saved himself and his troops. Another Cherusci chief, Segestes, Arminius’ father-in-law, warned Varus of the revolt, and the plans of Arminius. Varus though dismissed the allegations as a continuation of a personal feud between Arminius and Segestes.

The weather also took a turn for the worse, a violent storm lashed down, causing the line of march to stretch even further. Dio estimates that the Roman forces stretched for between 15 and 20 kilometres, along the mountain paths of the Teutoburg Forest. It was at this point that Arminius commenced the Germanic attack and a battle that would last three days.

Arminius with his superior numbers of local tribesmen and lighter armoured troops attacked the line. Using his knowledge of Roman techniques Arminius, defended the Roman counterattacks and continued to pick off the spread out Roman forces. Despite heavy losses the Romans managed to set up a secure fortified night camp.

The next morning though failed to give the Romans any respite and in breaking out of their camp in a rush for open ground saw them once again decimated by the locals. Losses continued throughout the day as the Romans retreated, a night march saw the remaining Roman forces at the foot of Kalkriese Hill and exactly where Arminius wanted them to be.

Battle of Teutoburg Forest - after a painting by Friedrich Gunkel - PD-life-70
The Romans were trapped between a swamp and a hill, and the road ahead was trapped by a ditch and wall, from behind which the Germanic forces continued to pick off the Roman forces. A desperate attempt to storm the wall failed, and the Germanic forces stormed down upon the devastated Roman forces. The Roman cavalry fled the battlefield but were pursued by the Germanic cavalry and annihilated. Roman historians highlight the actions of Roman officers; Eggius died a hero’s death leading his doomed troops, Vala, the second-in-command, fled with the cavalry and was killed, whilst Ceionus undertook a shameful surrender. Fearing capture or slaughter, Varus committed suicide by falling on his own sword, as he perceived the utter destruction of his army.

With victory Arminius did not stop to celebrate victory but sent his forces across the country destroying the Roman forts and garrisons that existed east of the Rhine. One Roman fort held out for several weeks before the garrison, and some survivors of the battle at Teutoburg Forest, broke out and made for the Rhine. At the Rhine they found help with the two remaining Legions in Germania, under the command of Lucius Nonius Asprenas, Varus’ nephew. Asprenas decided to hold the river and stopped the sweep of the Germanic forces.

Estimates for the number of Roman’s killed in the three day battle peak at 25,000, and resulted in the permanent loss of the three Legions that had accompanied Varus. The Legion numbers were never used again after the defeat, and were confined to history. Alongside Varus, other senior Roman officers fell on their own swords. Tacitus wrote that whilst other officers were ransomed, many more were sacrificed in pagan rituals, whist ordinary soldiers were enslaved. The news of the defeat, when it reached Rome, appears to have sent the Emperor Augustus insane, with symptoms of a nervous breakdown.

Following the defeat at Teutoburg, a seven year war ensued, a war that confirmed the Rhine as the boundary between Rome and the Teutonic tribes for the next four hundred years.

In 14AD Tiberius had become Emperor and had dispatched his nephew Germanicus to re-conquer the lost territory. One third of all available Roman troops, some 70,000 men, and a naval fleet were put under the command of Germanicus. Initial success in battle, including the capture of Arminius’ wife Thusnelda, was quickly followed by successive defeats. By 16AD Tiberius decided to cease all operations against the German tribes, instead withdrawing the troops to the Rhine and entrenching them once again.

Whilst the Roman historian Tacitus depicts Germanicus as having achieved great victories, including one unsubstantiated against Arminius’ forces, the only notable successes were the retrieval of two of the lost standards. The loss of any army’s standard has always been perceived as the greatest dishonour and their retrieval helped to regain some of the Roman army’s loss of face. One of Germanicus’ officers, Lucius Stertinus recovered the Eagle of the XIX Legion in 15AD from the Bructeri. The following year after the Battle of the Weser River, the hiding place of the second standard was revealed by the leader of the Marsi to Germanicus. It took a further twenty five years for the final Eagle to be recovered from the Chauci.

Arminius only survived a further ten years after the death of Varus, and in 19AD following tribal rivalries, he was assassinated by members of his own family. Despite initial success in unifying Germanic tribes, other tribes, such as the Marcomanni, refused to join and remained neutral in the ensuing war. Arminius also failed to gain independence for Germania as a whole.

The final significant note in relation to the battle came in 50AD. A band of Chatti raided across the Rhine, they were chased by Roman forces and allies under Lucius Pomponius. A small battle ensued and following the defeat of the Chatti, soldiers from Varus’ legions were discovered and liberated from 40 years of slavery.

The defeat was one of the worst in Roman history. In sheer numbers it rates after the 50,000 to 70,000 killed by Hannibal at the Battle of Cannae in 216BC or the Battle of Arausio where 80,000 soldiers were killed by the Cimbri and Teutones. It says much for the superior strategy of Arminius, superior numbers and the false sense of security that Varus had, that the Roman losses amounted to so much in comparison to the Germanic ones. More importantly though than the pure numbers was the affect it had on the Empire as it brought an end to the glory period of expansion, and effectively ended any possible hope of conquering the whole of Germania.

Since the 18th Century the Battle of Teutoburg Forest has become a symbol of German nationalism and unification, with Arminius used as a symbol of freedom.

Copyright - First Published 5th December 2007